John Stoehr

Liberals are not in the habit of expressing gratitude for the five conservative justices on the U.S. Supreme Court, especially since one of them, Justice Neil Gorsuch, presides where some liberals believe President Obama’s nominee should rightly be. But liberals should be grateful, at least this week, in the wake of a ruling that struck down a federal anti-gambling law because the decision strengthens blue-state resistance to President Donald Trump. Moreover, it might deepen appreciation for something liberals historically dislike: federalism and the doctrine of state’s rights.

President Donald Trump’s former communications director, Hope Hicks, comes off pretty well when compared to the cabal of con men, cretins, tricksters and ne’er-do-wells that otherwise orbit the president. So it’s tempting for Trump’s critics to express a degree of sympathy for the former fashion model and native of Greenwich, Conn., whose reputation is for inner strength and quiet perseverance.

Now that Elizabeth Esty has said she won’t run for reelection in November, Connecticut Republicans are hoping they can pick up the state’s 5th District Congressional seat. They believe they have the advantage for two reasons. One, the Democratic governor is monumentally unpopular. Dannel Malloy, who is also not seeking reelection in November, is the least liked governor in the entire country. Two, Esty is leaving under a cloud of controversy. Last week, she conceded to being complicit in a former chief of staff’s sexual and physical assault of a female aide.

Connecticut media was abuzz last week with the news that former Senator Joe Lieberman was on President Trump’s short list for the job of FBI director. That got people talking, as these things tend to do, but that’s all it’s going to be.

There’s more than one kind of political leverage. There’s the kind you pull in the legislative process: bargaining, horse-trading, quid pro quo. There’s the kind you pull in swaying public opinion to pressure counterparts into dealing. Dick Blumenthal knows the difference.

The Connecticut Business and Industry Association is what it sounds like, but don’t be fooled. It’s more than that. Much more.

After Gov. Dannel Malloy signed a 2015 law increasing taxes on state businesses, the trade group turned political. It funded GOP candidates to beat Democrats in the state Senate in 2016 and to push back against what it saw as Hartford’s “anti-business” agenda.

Nancy Pelosi has a knack for infuriating Republicans. That stems in part from being a woman. That stems in part from being from California. That stems in part from being one of the best former Speakers of the House in U.S. history. But I think it also stems from the fact that the House Minority Leader is extraordinarily tough without ever appearing tough in her couture clothing and strings of pearls. In fact, underneath a velvet glove is an iron fist.

One of the enduring myths in American politics is that you don’t have to participate in politics if you don’t want to. Many are so disgusted they go to great lengths to avoid politics. Whole movements in U.S. history have been dedicated to that goal, and most failed when it was realized it can’t be done.

There are two universal truths to bear in mind as legislators in the Connecticut General Assembly negotiate the next fiscal-year budget. One is that every line of every budget of every government in human history has had a constituent. The other is that politicians are like water. They follow the path of least resistance. In the case of the governor’s proposed budget, Gov. Dannel Malloy wants spending cuts. He does not want to hear the word “tax” after having raised revenues twice in six years. But since every budget line has a constituent, and since constituents have a habit of opposing elected officials who take something away from said constituents, elected officials almost always try to find ways to punt.